Behold, I have taught you statutes and judgments, even as the LORD my God commanded me, that ye should do so in the land whither ye go to possess it. Keep therefore and do them; for this is your wisdom and your understanding in the sight of the nations, which shall hear all these statutes, and say, Surely this great nation is a wise and understanding people. For what nation is there so great, who hath God so nigh unto them, as the LORD our God is in all things that we call upon him for? And what nation is there so great, that hath statutes and judgments so righteous as all this law, which I set before you this day? (Deut. 4:5-8).
The theocentric principle undergirding this law is God as the Lawgiver. Moses, as the representative of God before Israel and Israel before God, here announced a principle of dominion: the power of the specially revealed law of God in reducing foreigners' resistance to Israel. Israel's reputation would be elevated above that of other nations to the extent that other nations acknowledged the legitimacy of God's law, which they would do, Moses said. Israel, as the nation that was governed by God's law, would become pre-eminent among the nations -- not politically but in terms of its moral influence. Israel's reputation would accompany individual Israelites. This reputation would confer an advantage on the nation's foreign representatives. They would be seen as agents of the most just God. In this sense, Israel's authority was moral. It was based on God's law. Israel's authority was to be based on a hierarchy of righteousness. Israel would represent God to the nations.
This was a land law insofar as Israel had to obey it. It was a cross-boundary law insofar as foreign nations were required by God to acknowledge the wisdom of God's revealed law. Clearly, it was primarily a cross-boundary law. It had to do with the universal wisdom of God's law.
God expected foreign nations to hear of His law. How could this take place? Why should foreigners care anything about the laws governing a small nation like Israel? Normally, foreigners had little incentive to learn about the laws of a foreign nation. But two groups would pay attention: foreign traders and political representatives of foreign nations. Traders especially would pay attention, since their capital was at risk while inside the boundaries of a foreign nation. Foreigners normally had no legal standing in any nation of the ancient world, for they could not participate in the rites of the city's local gods. But in Israel, a cosmic God had announced that every foreigner had legal standing in the search for justice: "One law shall be to him that is homeborn, and unto the stranger that sojourneth among you" (Ex. 12:49). A foreigner who had been cheated by an Israelite could bring the cheater before a civil court.
Israel would become a center of trade to the extent that she enforced God's law. This would bring foreigners into Israel, either as short-term opportunity-seekers [nokree] or as permanent residents [geyr]. The story of how property was safe in Israel, courts treated all men the same, and oppression of foreigners was a violation of the law would have spread rapidly. Such a legal order was unheard of in the ancient world.
Justice Is a Universal Goal There are many definitions of justice, but rare is the nation that denies the legitimacy of justice. Men seek justice, often with greater fervor than they seek money. They regard justice as one of society's major goals. They want to live under a civil government that offers justice.
God revealed that the nations would respect His law. They would recognize that the Mosaic law was a great legal order that reflected a great God. Israel, as God's unique national representative, would bask in the sunlight of God's justice.
How could this be if all men have fundamentally different concepts of justice? The very possibility of other nations' honoring God by acknowledging the justice of Israel's legal order points to the existence of common elements of justice that cross borders and eras. God places in the heart (conscience) of every man the work of the law -- not the law itself (Heb. 8:10), but the work of the law (Rom. 2:14-15).(1) This knowledge is suppressed by covenant-breaking men in the final stages of their rebellion (Rom. 1:18-22), but it is part of every person's legacy as a human. The work of the law is in every person's heart. But covenant-breakers' active suppression of this revelation is why every appeal to a the authority of a universal logic or ethic is doomed. The work of the law is innate to man, but no logical system that presupposes the sovereignty of man's mind can logically come to a belief in the sovereignty of God. Thus, every attempt to invoke natural law theory as the basis of long-term social order is biblically spurious. A covenant-breaking man's knowledge of the work of the law is held innately, not logically. It is suppressed actively, not passively. His knowledge condemns him eternally, and at best allows him to prosper for a time prior to his rebellion against the truth. The positive sanctions covenantally connected to men's external conformity to the work of the law eventually undermine the ethical rebel's sense of autonomy, which in turn leads him into external rebellion, just as God's blessings on Sodom and Canaan did. Conformity to "natural law" -- the work of the law in men's hearts -- will bless covenant-breaking men temporarily, but in blessing them, it eventually condemns them or their heirs in history. It cannot bring them to a knowledge of the truth. We are not saved by law. Neither are societies.
Most Protestant theologians have insisted that this is the case with respect to individuals, but they have denied that this insight applies to society. Lutherans have been most forthright in this inconsistency. Luther's two-kingdoms theory rested on his theory of two radically distinct forms of law: spiritual law governing Christians and natural law governing societies.(2) He had no theory of Christian law for Christian societies, for his amillennial eschatology denied the possibility of a Christian society in history.
To the extent that Christians have shared his eschatology and his social theory, they have adopted his ethical dualism. Every Christian theologian or social theorist who invokes natural law theory is an ethical dualist. Some are quite forthright about this; others are not. But we should recognize the covenantal confession of the ethical dualist whenever we come across it: a denial that the law-order revealed in the Mosaic law is in any way binding on societies and civil governments today. The more adamant dualists argue that Christians can live under any legal order without compromising their faith, with only one exception: biblical civil law. Every legal order is permitted except the only one which God ever commanded: biblical civil law. In the social theory of the hard-core Christian ethical dualist, all civil legal orders are equal, but one is less equal than others: biblical civil law.
Covenant-keeping men can and do depart from the proclamation of, and adherence to, God's revealed law. This is why Israel was warned: "Only take heed to thyself, and keep thy soul diligently, lest thou forget the things which thine eyes have seen, and lest they depart from thy heart all the days of thy life: but teach them thy sons, and thy sons' sons" (Deut. 4:9). This does not mean that they can completely suppress their knowledge of what God expects from them. It means that they refuse to obey the things that they know to be true. Their consciences become seared (I Tim. 4:2).
The power of Israel's testimony to the nations would be the fact that Israel's civil courts would not misuse their power to impose unjust decisions on foreigners. As in the case of Israel's time in the wilderness, when God restrained them from confiscating the inheritances of other nations (Deut. 2:4-6), so would God's restraint of unjust judges provide a unique testimony. Foreigners who lived in fear of injustice in other nations would be able to live in peace and prosperity inside Israel. The power of Israel's judicial testimony would be great because it was granted freely to the weak. In Israel, the three representative groups that were singled out as deserving of special judicial scrutiny, lest oppression raise its head, were widows, orphans, and strangers. "Cursed be he that perverteth the judgment of the stranger, fatherless, and widow. And all the people shall say, Amen" (Deut. 27:19; cf. Deut. 14:29; 24:17, 19-20).
Increased Trade, Increased Evangelism When a minority group without power is protected by law, members of that group spread the word. Such were strangers in Israel. When Israelite traders would come into a foreign nation whose agents traded regularly in Israel, they would probably have received special consideration from the local sellers, despite the fact that the local courts granted no special consideration to foreigners. There is a tendency for good deeds to be repaid by those who seek a continuing profitable relationship. In this sense, Israel was in a position to set the judicial agenda outside of its own borders. Its testimony to the otherwise oppressed would have strengthened God's hand, and the hand of God's agents, in nations whose representatives had been treated well in Israel.
The great empires of the second millennium B.C. did not establish jurisdiction over port cities on the coasts. They allowed these cities to operate under local jurisdictions.(3) This indicates that the rulers understood the power of foreign ideas. The major clearing center for new ideas was a port city. Here men gathered from many nations, selling many wares, and telling stories of many gods. But one God, above all others, was a threat to the sovereignty of a host nation's gods: Israel's. This God claimed a universal reign irrespective of geography. To make this claim believable, Israel was required to enforce God's law fairly and without discrimination against foreigners. All men are the same under God. His rule extends to all men.
The Extent of World Trade
The question arises: How important was world trade in the ancient world? The modern historian assumes cultural evolution. He assumes that modern ships alone have made world trade possible. Prior to medieval times, he assumes, trade was limited to the Mediterranean Sea, expensive and infrequent land journeys, and coastal shipping. This assumption is incorrect. World trade has brought contacts between distant cultures for millennia. Only in the second half of the twentieth century has the extent of this trade become visible to a handful of specialists. The academic world dismisses the evidence because the evidence calls into question the long-held assumptions about the technological accomplishments of pre-modern societies.
It is appropriate at this point to reproduce a section from my Introduction to Leviticus: An Economic Commentary, on the extent of world trade before the fall of Jerusalem in A.D. 70. Modern man thinks of cross-oceanic trade as a recent phenomenon. It isn't. It goes back to the era of Abraham, at least. Missionary activity was to be a part of this trade.
* * * * * * * * * There were traders from Northern Europe operating in North America in the early second millennium B.C.: Abraham's era. Inscriptions of one of these visits were discovered in the 1950's in Ontario, Canada.(4) It should therefore surprise no one that Jews were trading in North America as early as Jesus' time, and perhaps centuries earlier. There is evidence -- automatically dismissed as fraudulent ("forgery") by establishment scholars(5) -- that someone brought the message of God's Ten Commandments to the American southwest before the time of Jesus, possibly centuries before. I refer to the inscription, written in a Hebrew "stick" script,(6) which records the decalogue. It was written on a boulder weighing 80 tons, located 30 miles southwest of Albuquerque, New Mexico, near the town of Los Lunas.(7) The script (alphabet) dates from the twelfth century B.C.(8) Professor Robert Pfeiffer of Harvard University's Semitic Museum first translated the inscription in 1948.(9) A more recent translation than Pfeiffer's reads:
I [am] Yahve your God who brought you out of the land of the two Egypts out of the house of bondages. You shall not have other [foreign] gods in place of [me]. You shall not make for yourself molded or carved idols. You shall not lift up your voice to connect the name of Yahve in hate. Remember you [the] day Sabbath to make it holy. Honor your father and your mother to make long your existence upon the land which Yahve your God gave to you. You shall not murder. You shall not commit adultery or idolatry. You shall not steal or deceive. You shall not bear witness against your neighbor testimony for a bribe. You shall not covet [the] wife of your neighbor and all which belongs to your neighbor.(10)
It mentions two Egypts, an obvious reference to the two regions of Egypt, upper (close to the head of the Nile) and lower (close to the Mediterranean).(11) As to when the inscription was made, George Morehouse, a mining engineer, has estimated that this could have taken place as recently as 500 years ago and as far back as two millennia.(12) A "revisionist" who has studied the inscription in detail believes that the text may be from the era of the Septuagint, i.e., over a century before the birth of Jesus -- surely no comfort for conventional textbook authors. The stone's tenth commandment prohibiting covetousness mentions the wife before property, a feature of the Septuagint text.(13) (The problem with this revisionist argument is that this "Septuagint" structuring of the text is also found in Deuteronomy 5:21.)
Evidence of the ancient world's advanced tools, maps,(14) international trade, and highly sophisticated astronomical and observational science(15) never gets into college-level world history textbooks. The evidence is automatically rejected or downplayed by conventional -- and woefully uninformed -- historians because it breaks with the familiar tenets of cultural evolution. Time is supposed to bring science, technology, and cultural advance. Cultural evolution, not cultural devolution, is supposed to be mankind's legacy to future generations. The thought that international trade across the oceans existed five centuries before Columbus, let alone five centuries before David,(16) is an affront to cultural evolutionists.
This is probably why a book like Patrick Huyghe's Columbus Was Last (1992) had to be published by an obscure New York company, Hyperion, which allowed it to go out of print within a year. It also explains why there is so little awareness regarding amateur archeologist Emilio Estrada's 1957 discovery of buried Japanese pottery on the coast of Ecuador: Japan's Jomon-era stone-age pottery.(17) Scholars do not want to face the obvious question: How did it get there? And why are there artistic similarities between the China's Shang dynasty and the Mesoamerica Olmec culture -- large cats (sometimes without their lower jaws), the dragon, and the use of jade -- which overlapped each other from the fifteenth to the twelfth centuries, B.C.?(18) Why were the implements and techniques used by the Mayans to make bark paper five centuries before Christ so similar to the implements and techniques used by the Chou dynasty in the same era? Of 121 individual traits, the two systems shared 91, half of which were non-essential, and the other half, while essential, had alternative approaches available.(19) Why didn't the Mesoamerican techniques match papermaking techniques used by cultures in other parts of America?(20) Why do Mayan stone art works after 500 B.C. shift from earlier forms to match Asian art forms of the same era?(21)
Meanwhile, at the other end of the hemisphere, slate technologies have been discovered in burial sites of the ancient Red Paint (red ochre) People in Maine and Labrador. These artifacts match slate technologies in Scandinavia. The era of conjunction was some 4,000 years ago.(22) Huyghe writes: "The principal deterrent to the notion of historical contact is the widespread belief that ancient man was incapable of making ocean voyages in primitive boats. But there is certainly no doubt that Europeans had oceangoing watercraft quite early. Bronze Age rock carvings in Europe show plank-built ships were sailing Atlantic coastal waters more than 4,000 years ago."(23)
How many people know that the Carthaginians were sending trading ships to North America in the late fourth century B.C.? Throughout the eastern United States, Carthaginian coins from the 325 B.C. era have been discovered near navigable rivers and off the Atlantic coast.(24) Beginning in the late eighteenth century, farmers in New England started digging up hoards of Roman coins.(25)
Few people know that numerous commercial bronze replicas of Assyrian deities have been discovered in Cuenca, Ecuador. The Phoenicians were producing these replicas on Cyprus as early as 600 B.C. Carthage, an offshoot of Phoenecia, exported them to barbarian peoples.(26) We know that after 300 B.C., Carthage began to mint electrum coins: mostly gold, but with some silver. Where did Carthage get the gold? These fake deities in South America are evidence that Carthage imported gold from South America through the sale of these replicas.(27) These trips would also explain where Carthage got the pine lumber for building huge warships(28) until the end of the First Punic War with Rome in 241 B.C.(29) (In that war, 264-41 B.C., Carthage lost 334 of these giant ships.)(30) Barry Fell speculates that before the defeat, they had brought trees as ballast from North America, which is why we discover bronze coins there. They bought lumber from the Indians.(31) After 241 B.C., Carthaginian trade with the Americas ceased.
Roman trade replaced it.(32) Paintings of Roman-Iberian coins appear on cave walls in Arkansas and as far west as Castle Gardens, near Moneta ("money"), Wyoming.(33) There were Iberian-based banks all across North America in the time of Jesus. These contacts continued, and they left traces. "In 1933, an astonished Mexican archeologist excavated a terra-cotta head of a Roman figurine of the third century A.D. from an undisturbed ancient grave sealed under the Calixtlahuaca pyramid, thirty-five miles southwest of Mexico City."(34)
The Carthaginians and Romans were late-comers. The Scandinavians were trading in North America during the Bronze Age, possibly as early as 1700 B.C.(35) -- the era of Joseph in Egypt. A visiting Norwegian sailor-king left an account of one of these visits in what is now called Petroglyph Park in Peterborough, Ontario, in Canada. He had an inscription chiseled into rock, written in a nearly universal alphabet of the ancient world, ogam consaine,(36) and another alphabet, equally universal, Tifinag, an alphabet still employed by the Tuaregs, a Berber tribe in North Africa. The Norse inscription was accompanied by a comment written by an Algonquin Indian scribe in a script common among the pre-Roman Basques, but using a form of the Algonquin language still understood.(37) The inscription was discovered in 1954.(38)
This same Basque script was also employed by the Cree Indians well into the nineteenth century. It was not known to be related to Basque until Fell transliterated into Latin consonants a document written in this "Indian" script. The document had been sent to him by a Basque etymologist who had been unable to decipher it. When it was transliterated, the Basque scholar recognized it as a pre-Roman dialect of the Basque tongue, one which was still in use in the medieval period.(39) Some of the words are virtually the same in both the Algonquin and ancient Basque tongues.(40) (Fell also reads Greek, Latin, German, French, Danish, and Gaelic; he has a working knowledge of Sanskrit, Kufic Arabic, and several Asian and African languages.)(41)
A thousand years before the birth of Jesus, Celtic traders(42) were serving as missionaries in North America, bringing the stories of their gods across the continent: central and Western Canada, and as far south as Nevada and California. The petroglyphs of this era reproduce Norse gods whose names are in ogam.(43) Needless to say, none of this information has moved into college history textbooks. Textbooks include only certain kinds of texts. Textbook authors dismiss all such petroglyph evidence as "forgeries" -- the same way they dismiss the texts of the Bible that challenge their concept of chronology. But this is beginning to change. A few academic specialists are beginning to admit that there is something of value in Fell's work.(44) We can therefore predict the traditional three stages of academic surrender: 1) "It isn't true." 2) "It's true, but so what?" 3) "We always knew it was true." As of the final decade of the twentieth century, we are still in stage one.
If Celtic traders were able bring their gods to North America, so were Jewish traders. God expected them to do this. To some extent, they did, as the Los Lunas stone indicates. But they did not do it on a scale that matched the Celts. The requirement that they return for Passover each year must have inhibited their journeys. This was a barrier to world evangelism. It was a temporary barrier. Israel's old wineskins would inevitably be broken because the geographical boundaries of the Mosaic law would eventually be broken if God's law was obeyed. Population growth would have seen to that. So would the cost of journeying to Jerusalem, especially for international Jewish traders. But even if the Mosaic law was disobeyed, those wineskins would be broken. This is what took place definitively with Jesus' ministry, progressively with the establishment of the church, and finally in A.D. 70.(45) The fire on God's earthly altar was extinguished forever.
When, sixty years later, Bar Kochba revolted, the Romans crushed the revolt in 135. There is a continuing stream of archeological discoveries indicating that some of the survivors fled to Tennessee and Kentucky. An early find in Bat Creek, Tennessee by Smithsonian field assistant John Emmert in 1889 is a five-inch stone inscribed with eight Hebrew characters. The significance of this was denied by the Smithsonian's curator, who claimed this was Cherokee syllabic script. As the saying goes, "Nice try, but no cigar" -- he had read it upside-down. Over half a century later, Hebrew scholars turned it right-side up and discovered these consonants: LYHWD. In the early 1970's, Brandeis University's Hebraicist Cyrus H. Gordon identified the era of the style of these letters: Bar Kochba's. He translated the phrase: "A comet for the Jews," which was a standard phrase during the revolt. Similar coin finds from this era had been made in Kentucky, which Gordon believed had not been faked.(46)
Needless to say, none of this is in the textbooks. Neither will you find a reference to the massive 1,375-page two-volume bibliography Pre-Columbian Contacts with the Americas Across the Oceans, which contains over 5,500 entries.(47) For those of you who want to spend a lifetime following the trails into and out of America, here is the place to start.
* * * * * * * * * Conclusion The Mosaic law was to serve Israel as a means of worldwide evangelism. Someone carved the Ten Commandments into a boulder in New Mexico in the days of Jesus or earlier. Some Israelite understood the truth of Deuteronomy's assertion that the law of God is a powerful tool of evangelism. Oppressed men respond well to civil justice. The civil law of God was simple enough for traders and resident aliens to learn. They would know their rights before God. Their chief civil right in Israel was equality before the law. This was a unique right in the ancient world, where civil rights were tied to civil rites. Foreigners had no civil rites in the ancient city-states, so they had no rights. This was not so in Israel.
One of the self-inflicted wounds of modern Christianity is Christians' denial of the continuing validity of biblical law in New Testament times. They have stripped the church of one of its premier tools of evangelism: the proclamation of universal justice. God has given them their request -- a world not under God's Bible-revealed covenantal law -- and has thereby brought them under the rule of covenant-breakers.
Footnotes:
1. John Murray, The Epistle to the Romans, 2 vols. (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans, 1965), I, pp. 74-76.
2. Charles Trinkaus, "The Religious Foundations of Luther's Social Views," in John H. Mundy, et al., Essays in Medieval Life (Cheshire, Connecticut: Biblo & Tannen, 1955), pp. 71-87.
3. Robert B. Revere, "`No Man's Coast': Ports of Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean," in Trade and Market in the Early Empires: Economies in History and Theory, edited by Karl Polanyi, Conrad M. Arensberg, and Harry W. Peterson (Chicago: Regnery, [1957] 1971), ch. 4.
4. Barry Fell, Bronze Age America (Boston: Little, Brown, 1982), ch. 1.
5. See "Los Lunas Attracts Epigraphers," Epigraphic Society Occasional Papers, XII (Aug. 1985), p. 34. See also Fell, Bronze Age America, p. 44.
6. Donald Cline, "The Los Lunas Stone," ibid., X:1 (Oct. 1982), p. 69.
7. David Allen Deal, Discovery of Ancient America (Irvine, California: Kherem La Yah, 1984), ch. 1.
8. Barry Fell, "Ancient Punctuation and the Los Lunas Text," Epigraphic Society Occasional Papers, XIII (Aug. 1985), p. 35.
9. A photocopy of Pfeiffer's translation appears in Deal, Discovery, p. 10.
10. L. Lyle Underwood, "The Los Lunas Inscription," Epigraphic Society Occasional Papers, X:1 (Oct. 1982), p. 58.
11. New Bible Dictionary (2nd ed.; Wheaton, Illinois: Tyndale House, 1982), p. 302.
12. George E. Morehouse, "The Los Lunas Inscriptions[:] A Geological Study," Epigraphic Society Occasional Papers, XIII (Aug. 1985), p. 49.
13. Michael Skupin, "The Los Lunas Errata," ibid., XVIII (1989), p. 251.
14. Charles Hapgood, Maps of the Ancient Sea Kings (Philadelphia: Chilton, 1966).
15. O. Neugebauer and A. Sachs (eds.), Mathematical Cuneiform Texts (New Haven, Connecticut: American Oriental Society, 1945); Neugebauer and Richard A. Parker, Egyptian Astronomical Texts, 3 vols. (Providence, Rhode Island: Brown University Press, 1960); Neugebauer, The Exact Sciences in Antiquity (2nd ed.; Providence, Rhode Island: Brown University Press, 1957); Livio C. Stecchini, "Astronomical Theory and Historical Data," in The Velikovsky Affair: The Warfare of Science and Scientism, edited by Alfred de Grazia (New Hyde Park, New York: University Books, 1966), pp. 127-70. See also Giorgio de Santillana and Hertha von Dechend, Hamlet's Mill: An essay on myth and the frame of time (Boston: Gambit, 1969).
16. Fell, Bronze Age America.
17. Patrick Huyghe, Columbus Was Last (New York: Hyperion, 1992), ch. 2.
18. Ibid., p. 84.
19. Ibid., pp. 86-87. See Paul Tolstoy, "Paper Route," Natural History (June 1991).
20. Ibid., p. 87.
21. Ibid., pp. 87-91. See Gunnar Thompson, Nu Sun (Fresno, California: Pioneer, 1989). Thompson is director of the American Discovery Project at California State University, Fresno.
22. Ibid., pp. 52-54.
23. Ibid., p. 54.
24. Barry Fell, Saga America (New York: Times Books, 1980), pp. 25-26, 62, 64.
25. Ibid., p. 27. Cf. Huyghe, Columbus Was Last, pp. 97-98.
26. Ibid., p. 82.
27. Ibid., p. 85.
28. Quinquiremes: five rowers per oar, 250 rowers, 120 marines plus officers: 400 men per ship. Ibid., p. 75.
29. Ibid., p. 76.
30. Ibid., p. 75.
31. Ibid., p. 86.
32. Ibid., chaps. 6, 7.
33. Ibid., pp. 134-35, 144, 148-49, 159-60.
34. Huyghe, Columbus Was Last, p. 98.
35. Fell, Bronze Age America, ch. 1. The dating is calculated by the zodiac data in the inscription: ch. 5, especially pp. 127, 130.
36. A gift to man from the Gaulish god Ogimos, god of the occult sciences. Ibid., p. 165.
37. Ibid., p. 36. For additional information, see Huyghe, Columbus Was Last, ch. 5.
38. Ibid., p. 39.
39. Ibid., p. 146. Comparisons of the North American Indian script and the ancient Basque script appear on pages 148-49.
40. Ibid., p. 151.
41. Huyghe, Columbus Was Last, p. 59.
42. Fell, Bronze Age America, ch. 14.
43. Ibid., chaps. 7-13.
44. Cf. David H. Kelley, "Proto-Tifinagh and Proto-Ogham in the Americas," Review of Archeology, XI (Spring 1990).
45. David Chilton, The Great Tribulation (Ft. Worth, Texas: Dominion Press, 1987).
46. Huyghe, Columbus Was Last, pp. 98-99. See Cyrus H. Gordon, Before Columbus: Links Between the Old World and Ancient America (New York: Crown, 1971).
47. Provo, Utah: Research Press, 1989. Compiled by John L. Sorenson and Martin H. Raish.
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